Caste census for real or a pre-poll 'jumla'?

The by the Union government and the cabinet approval for the next census to enumerate castes has thrown up more questions than answers. The cryptic announcement did not provide a clear deadline and, as Opposition parties have pointed out, has been made for conducting the census.

For the decennial census due in 2021, the government had made a provision of Rs 8,254 crore, but it then cited the pandemic to postpone it indefinitely. This year’s budgetary provision for the census office in the Ministry of Home Affairs is a paltry Rs 574 crore, clearly inadequate for the massive exercise.

Estimates are the next census will require more resources and also . The 2021 census was originally scheduled to be conducted over a 10-month period between April 2020 and February 2021, but was never initiated.

# What explains the BJP’s change of heart?

The Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and Prime Minister Narendra Modi have until recently strongly opposed a caste census, arguing it could fragment the Hindu unity central to their ideological narrative. Modi famously dismissed the demand as rooted in an “urban Naxal mindset” and went so far as to call it a “sin” that undermined his vision of a unified India.

In 2021, the government reinforced this stance with a Supreme Court affidavit, asserting that counting castes beyond Scheduled Castes (SCs) and Scheduled Tribes (STs) was against its policy. The party’s slogan, ‘batenge toh katenge (divided, we fall)', was crafted to counter Opposition calls — especially from Congress and regional parties — by portraying the caste census as a threat to social harmony.

The recent shift in the BJP’s position appears to be driven by a mix of political pressure and strategic necessity. Electoral pragmatism is a key factor, especially with the Bihar assembly elections approaching in October–November.

In a state where caste identities are deeply embedded in political life, the rising demand for a caste census has put the BJP in a tight spot. Ignoring it risks alienating large segments of the electorate — particularly the Other Backward Classes (OBCs) — who form a critical voting bloc in several states.

# Is there a start date for the Census exercise? Are there any details beyond the government’s announcement that there will be a caste enumeration, to enable ‘evidence-based’ policymaking?

No date had been announced for the caste census till the time of reporting. While information minister Ashwini Vaishnaw confirmed that caste details would be included, he .

Government sources indicate that owing to logistical challenges, the enumeration may not begin until late 2026 or early 2027. The caste enumeration is likely to be part of the second phase (population enumeration), following the house-listing phase, which itself requires six to eight months of preparation.

This lack of clarity has drawn criticism. Opposition leaders like Thol Thirumavalavan, MP from Tamil Nadu’s Chidambaram, have questioned whether the delay is a strategic move to push implementation beyond key elections such as Bihar’s in late 2025.

Apart from the government’s stated aim of enabling ‘evidence-based policymaking’, few concrete details have been shared. There is no official word on how caste data will be collected, categorised or verified.

Critics caution that in the absence of a transparent and rigorous methodology, the data could be vulnerable to political misuse.

# Are there assurances from the government that the promised caste enumeration will be done alongside a socio-economic classification (on the lines of SECC 2011 or something similar) in the stated interest of ‘equitable and targeted’ policymaking?

The government has yet to provide clear assurances and answers about integrating a simultaneous socio-economic classification. The official press release refers broadly to the goal of strengthening society, both economically and socially, hinting at an intention to factor in socio-economic dimensions. However, there is no explicit commitment that such data will be collected alongside caste details.

The precedent for an integrated approach exists in the 2011 Socio-Economic and Caste Census (SECC), which, despite its limitations and the eventual non-release of caste data, sought to capture both caste and socio-economic indicators. As of now, it remains unclear whether the current census will follow a SECC-like model or focus solely on caste enumeration.

# What is the Telangana model of caste enumeration that the Congress is advocating as the template for the national exercise?

The Telangana caste census was crafted through extensive consultations with civil society groups, social scientists, community leaders and representatives from diverse social backgrounds. This approach ensured that the questionnaire accurately reflected local realities and the region’s complex social fabric.

The survey comprised 57 main questions and 18 sub-questions, gathering data across 74 fields from every household — ranging from demographic, educational, occupational and economic details to political participation and caste identification. It stands out as one of the most comprehensive and granular surveys ever conducted in India.

The process was transparent and participatory, open to public input and scrutiny and gained wide acceptance. Congress leaders credit this openness for the survey’s credibility and accuracy.

Prominent Congress leaders, including Rahul Gandhi and Mallikarjun Kharge, have highlighted the Telangana model as a benchmark for caste enumeration, saying it is in contrast to the Centre’s more bureaucratic and limited approach.

# When was the last time India did a countrywide caste enumeration alongside the census?

The last nationwide caste enumeration in India occurred in 1931, under British rule. From 1881 to 1931, caste data was regularly collected as part of the decennial census, with the 1931 survey documenting 4,147 distinct castes. After Independence, the practice was discontinued, beginning with the 1951 census, as part of a broader vision to build a unified, casteless society. Since then, census data has included only SCs and STs.

In 2011, the SECC attempted to gather more expansive data alongside socio-economic metrics, but the caste component of that data was never made public.

# Is there an enlightened consensus on the need for a caste census?

Those in favour argue that caste remains a key determinant of access to education, employment and public resources, making accurate data vital for equitable policymaking. Advocates of social justice — including Rahul Gandhi and Kharge — maintain that such a census would enable more precisely targeted welfare programmes and fairer reservation policies. Their stance is backed by the surveys in Bihar (2023) and Telangana.

Poonam Muttreja of the Population Foundation of India also stresses the importance of caste data in uncovering intersectional inequalities and promoting inclusive development.

On the other hand, critics — many from the ruling BJP — warn that caste enumeration could deepen social divisions and trigger fresh demands for expanded reservations, complicating governance.

They also point to logistical challenges, citing the 2011 SECC, which recorded an unmanageable 46 lakh caste entries due to inconsistent enumerator training and ambiguous questions. Others, like Union minister Chirag Paswan, have expressed concern that publishing caste data might constitute breach of privacy and fragment society further.

# It has been claimed that the new census will collect detailed caste data — i.e. go beyond SCs and STs and include OBCs and other caste groups. There is, however, no uniform national OBC list. Will the enumeration give the states any leeway in caste classification?

Experts and activists stress the importance of establishing a standardised caste code list and transparent procedures to ensure data accuracy and prevent political manipulation.

A key challenge lies in the complex structure of OBC classification, which involves both Central and state-level lists. The National Commission for Backward Classes (NCBC) maintains a Central list of 2,650 OBC communities eligible for reservations in Central government jobs and educational institutions. In contrast, each state maintains its own OBC list, often including additional communities based on local socio-political contexts.

This divergence creates inconsistencies in enumeration. For example, recent caste surveys in Bihar and Telangana identified 63 per cent and 56 per cent of their population, respectively, as OBCs — figures based on their state-specific lists, which differ significantly from the Central list.

The government has yet to clarify whether the upcoming census will use the Central OBC list exclusively or also include state lists. Former census officials suggest this will ultimately be a “political call”, given the significant administrative and policy implications.

Relying solely on the Central list could simplify the process but may exclude communities recognised as OBCs by states, leading to undercounting. The challenges of such harmonisation were evident in the 2011 SECC, which recorded an unmanageable 46 lakh caste entries.

# The caste census will apparently be conducted through a mobile app and a census portal for self-enumeration via phone numbers. How will the government guarantee authenticity of data collected? And then ensure that this data is not misused?

The census portal enables self-enumeration through log-in credentials paired to a phone number linked with the National Population Register. To ensure authenticity, the Office of the Registrar General of India can implement Aadhaar-based authentication or use one-time passwords to reduce the risk of fraudulent entries. Enumerators conducting door-to-door surveys via a mobile app can cross-verify self-submitted data and flag discrepancies.

However, several challenges remain. Limited smartphone and internet access — particularly in rural and marginalised communities — could lead to underreporting or increased dependence on enumerators, raising the risk of inaccuracies. Cultural sensitivities around caste identity may result in self-censorship or misreporting. The absence of a standardised OBC list further complicates classification, while political pressures could distort how the data is interpreted.

The Census Act provides for strict confidentiality, barring even courts from accessing individual-level data. Penalties for violations apply to both the public and census officials. Nonetheless, previous data breaches — such as those involving Aadhaar — highlight the need for robust cybersecurity and regular security audits.

Building public trust will also require meaningful engagement with civil society. Concerns raised by digital rights groups regarding the misuse of caste data must be addressed transparently.